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Documents related to the conflict with Yugoslavia – Berlin, 1941

 

Germany and Yugoslavia - 1941

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Franco-German Declaration : December 6, 1938

M. Georges Bonnet, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the French Republic and M. Joachim Von Ribbentrop, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Reich,

ACTING in the name and by order of their respective Governments, have agreed on the following points at their meeting in Paris on December 6, 1938:

(1) The French Government and the German Government fully share the conviction that pacific and neighbourly relations between France and Germany constitute one of the essential elements of the consolidation of the situation in Europe and of the preservation of general peace. Consequently both Governments will endeavour with all their might to assure the development of the relations between their countries in this direction.

(2) Both Governments agree that no question of a territorial nature remains in suspense between their countries and solemnly recognize as permanent the frontier between their countries as it is actually drawn.

(3) Both Governments are resolved, without prejudice to their special relations with third Powers, to remain in contact on all questions of importance to both their countries and to have recourse to mutual consultation in case any complications arising out of these questions should threaten to lead to international difficulties.

In witness whereof the Representatives of the two Government have signed the present Declaration, which comes into force immediately.

Executed in duplicate in the French and German languages at Paris, on December 6, 1938.

Signed: Georges Bonnet,

Joachim Von Ribbentrop.

Source: The French Yellow Book

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Text of German-Polish Agreement of January 26, 1934.

The German Government and the Polish Government consider that the time has come to introduce a new phase in the political relations between Germany and Poland by a direct understanding between State and State. They have, therefore, decided to lay down the principles for the future development of these relations in the present declaration.

The two Governments base their action on the fact that the maintenance and guarantee of a lasting peace between their countries is an essential pre-condition for the general peace of Europe.

They have therefore decided to base their mutual relations on the principles laid down in the Pact of Paris of the 17th August, 1928, and propose to define more exactly the application of these principles in so far as the relations between Germany and Poland are concerned.

Each of the two Governments, therefore, lays it down that the international obligations undertaken by it towards a third party do not hinder the peaceful development of their mutual relations, do not conflict with the present declaration, and are not affected by this declaration. They establish, moreover, that this declaration does not extend to those questions which under international law are to be regarded exclusively as the internal concern of one of the two States.

Both Governments announce their intention to settle directly all questions of whatever sort which concern their mutual relations.

Should any disputes arise between them and agreement thereon not be reached by direct negotiation, they will in each particular case, on the basis of mutual agreement, seek a solution by other peaceful means, without prejudice to the possibility of applying, if necessary, those methods of procedure in which provision is made for such cases in other agreements in force between them. In no circumstances, however, will they proceed to the application of force for the purpose of reaching a decision in such disputes.

The guarantee of peace created by these principles will facilitate the great task of both Governments of finding a solution for problems of political, economic and social kinds, based on a just and fair adjustment of the interests of both parties.

Both Governments are convinced that the relations between their countries will in this manner develop fruitfully, and will lead to the establishment of a neighbourly relationship which will contribute to the well-being not only of both their countries, but of the other peoples of Europe as well.

The present declaration shall be ratified, and the instruments of ratification shall be exchanged in Warsaw as soon as possible.

The declaration is valid for a period of ten years, reckoned from the day of the exchange of the instruments of ratification.

If the declaration is not denounced by one of the two Governments six months before the expiration of this period, it will continue in force, but can then be denounced by either Government at any time on notice of six months being given. Made in duplicate in the German and Polish languages.

Berlin, January 26, 1934.
For the German Government:
FREIHERR VON NEURATH.
For the Polish Government
JOSEF LIPSKI.

Source: The British War Bluebook

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Memorandum to the Note to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

Memorandum to the Note to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

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Note of the ReichGovernment to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

Note of the Reich Government to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

Note of the ReichGovernment to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

Note of the Reich Government to the Greek Government, April 6, 1941

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 Radio Address Delivered by President Roosevelt From Washington, September 3, 1939

 

Tonight my single duty is to speak to the whole of America.

Until 4:30 this morning I had hoped against hope that some miracle would prevent a devastating war in Europe and bring to an end the invasion of Poland by Germany.

For 4 long years a succession of actual wars and constant crises have shaken the entire world and have threatened in each case to bring on the gigantic conflict which is today unhappily a fact.

It is right that I should recall to your minds the consistent and at times successful efforts of your Government in these crises to throw the full weight of the United States into the cause of peace. In spite of spreading wars I think that we have every right and every reason to maintain as a national policy the fundamental moralities, the teachings of religion, and the continuation of efforts to restore peace—for some day, though the time may be distant, we can be of even greater help to a crippled humanity.

It is right, too, to point out that the unfortunate events of these recent years have been based on the use of force or the threat of force And it seems to me clear, even at the outbreak of this great war, that the influence of America should be consistent in seeking for humanity a final peace which will eliminate, as far as it is possible to do so, the continued use of force between nations.

It is, of course, impossible to predict the future. I have my constant stream of information from American representatives and other sources throughout the world. You, the people of this country, are receiving news through your radios and your newspapers at every hour of the day.

You are, I believe, the most enlightened and the best informed people in all the world at this moment. You are subjected to no censorship of news; and I want to add that your Government has no information which it has any thought of withholding from you.

At the same time, as I told my press conference on Friday, it is of the highest importance that the press and the radio use the utmost caution to discriminate between actual verified fact on the one hand and mere rumor on the other.

I can add to that by saying that I hope the people of this country; will also discriminate most carefully between news and rumor. Do not believe of necessity everything you hear or read. Check up on it first.

You must master at the outset a simple but unalterable fact in modern foreign relations. When peace has been broken anywhere, peace of all countries everywhere is in danger.

It is easy for you and me to shrug our shoulders and say that conflicts taking place thousands of miles from the continental United States, and, indeed, the whole American hemisphere, do not seriously affect the Americas—and that all the United States has to do is to ignore them and go about our own business. Passionately though we may desire detachment, we are forced to realize that every word that comes through the air, every ship that sails the sea, every battle that is fought does affect the American future.

Let no man or woman thoughtlessly or falsely talk of America sending its armies to European fields. At this moment there is being prepared a proclamation of American neutrality. This would have been done even if there had been no neutrality statute on the books, for this proclamation is in accordance with international law and with American policy.

This will be followed by a proclamation required by the existing Neutrality Act. I trust that in the days to come our neutrality can be made a true neutrality.

It is of the utmost importance that the people of this country, with the best information in the world, think things through. The most dangerous enemies of American peace are those who, without well-rounded information on the whole broad subject of the past, the present, and the future, undertake to speak with authority, to talk in terms of glittering generalities, to give to the Nation assurances: or prophecies which are of little present or future value.

I myself cannot and do not prophesy the course of events abroad—and the reason is that because I have of necessity such a complete picture of what is going on in every part of the world, I do not dare to do so. And the other reason is that I think it is honest for me to be honest with the people of United States.

I cannot prophesy the immediate economic effect of this new war on our Nation, but I do say that no American has the moral right to profiteer at the expense either of his fellow citizens or of the men, women, and children who are living and dying in the midst of war in Europe.

Some things we do know. Most of us in the United States believe in spiritual values. Most of us, regardless of what church we belong to, believe in the spirit of the New Testament—a great teaching which opposes itself to the use of force, of armed force, of marching armies, and falling bombs. The overwhelming masses of our people seek peace—peace at home, and the kind of peace in other lands which will not jeopardize peace at home.

We have certain ideas and ideals of national safety, and we must act to preserve that safety today and to preserve the safety of our children in future years.

That safety is and will be bound up with the safety of the Western Hemisphere and of the seas adjacent thereto. We seek to keep war from our firesides by keeping war from coming to the Americas. For that we have historic precedent that goes back to the days of the administration of President George Washington. It is serious enough and tragic enough to every American family in every State in the Union to live in a world that is torn by wars on other continents. Today they affect every American home. It is our national duty to use every effort to keep them out of the Americas.

And at this time let me make the simple plea that partisanship and selfishness be adjourned, and that national unity be the thought that underlies all others.

This Nation will remain a neutral nation, but I cannot ask that every American remain neutral in thought as well. Even a neutral has a right to take account of facts. Even a neutral cannot be asked to close his mind or his conscience.

I have said not once but many times that I have seen war and that I hate war. I say that again and again.

 

 I hope the United States will keep out of this war. I believe that it will. And I give you assurances that every effort of your Government will be directed toward that end.

As long as it remains within my power to prevent, there will be no blackout of peace in the United States.

Department of State Bulletin, vol. 1, p. 201

Source: ibiblio.org

See also: Winston Churchill: War Speech, September 3, 1939

See also: Speech by Herr Hitler to the Reichstag on September 1, 1939

See also: Radio Address by Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister, September 3, 1939

See also: Proclamation by Adolf Hitler – September 1,1939

See also: Treaty of Nonaggression Between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

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The Tunisia Campaign – November 17, 1942 – May 13, 1943 – (also known as the Battle of Tunisia) was a series of World War II battles that took place in Tunisia in the North African Campaign of World War II, between Axis and Allied forces. The Allies consisted primarily of American, British Imperial Forces and the French Army. The battle opened with initial success by the German and Italian forces, but the massive supply and numerical superiority of the Allies led to the Axis’ complete defeat. Over 230,000 German and Italian troops were taken as prisoners of war, including most of the Afrika Korps.

 

 

Axis Initiative, Situation 14 February 1943

Axis Initiative, Situation 14 February 1943

Axis Initiative, Situation 14 February 1943

 

Campaign In Northwest Africa, The Battle Of Kasserine Pass 14-22 February1942

Campaign In Northwest Africa, The Battle Of Kasserine Pass 14-22 February1942

Map of the Campaign In Northwest Africa, The Battle Of Kasserine Pass 14-22 February1942

 

North Africa, The Allied Invasion, 8 November 1942

North Africa, The Allied Invasion, 8 November 1942

North Africa, Mao of The Allied Invasion, 8 November 1942

 

Northwest Africa 1942-1943

Northwest Africa 1942-1943

Mao of Northwest Africa 1942-1943

 

Pursuit To Tunisia, November 1942-February 1943

Pursuit To Tunisia, November 1942-February 1943

Map of The Pursuit To Tunisia, November 1942-February 1943

Map of The battles at Kasserine Pass and Sbiba gap

 

The Race For Tunis, 11-17 November 1942

The Race For Tunis, 11-17 November 1942

Map of The Race For Tunis, 11-17 November 1942

 

Tunisia, Easten Task Force, 25 Nov-10 Dec 1942

Tunisia, Easten Task Force, 25 Nov-10 Dec 1942

Tunisia, Easten Task Force, Map of 25 Nov-10 Dec 1942

 

Tunisia, Final Allied Offensive 22 April-3 May 1943

Tunisia, Final Allied Offensive 22 April-3 May 1943

Tunisia, Map of The Final Allied Offensive 22 April-3 May 1943

 

Tunisia, Situation 22 April 1943

Tunisia, Situation 22 April 1943

Tunisia, Situation 22 April 1943

 

Tunisia, Southern Operations, 30 Jan -10 April

Tunisia, Southern Operations, 30 Jan -10 April

Map of Tunisia, Southern Operations, 30 Jan -10 April

 

Tunisia, Southern Operations, 30 Jan -10 April

Tunisia, Southern Operations, 30 Jan -10 April

Tunisia, Southern Operations, Map of 30 Jan -10 April

 

Tunisia, Taking the Bridgehead, 20 April - 13 May 1943

Tunisia, Taking the Bridgehead, 20 April - 13 May 1943

Tunisia, Taking the Bridgehead, Map of 20 April – 13 May 1943

 

Some of the maps are used with the kind permisson of the United States Military Academy at West Point
Other maps published on Public Domain – U.S. Army Center Of Military History

Recommended reading: Tunisia, 17 November 1942-13 May 1943 – brochure by the U.S. Army Center Of Military History

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